Kuziemko et al 2014 — Last-Place Aversion Evidence and Redistributive Implications

behavioral-economicssocial-preferencesredistributionminimum-wageinequalityexperimentsdistributional-preferenceslast-place-aversionpolitical-economyrisk-taking

Summary

Introduces and documents "last-place aversion" (LPA): individuals exhibit especially strong disutility from occupying last place in a distribution, beyond what standard risk aversion, prospect theory, or inequality-aversion models predict. Using laboratory experiments and survey data, the paper shows that LPA affects risk-taking behavior, dictator-game transfers, minimum wage preferences, and support for redistribution in the General Social Survey (GSS). Low-income individuals near the bottom — but not at the very bottom — may oppose redistribution because it threatens their ability to distinguish themselves from an even-lower group.

Key Claims

Concepts Introduced or Extended

Entities Mentioned

Quotes

"Last-place aversion suggests that low-income individuals might oppose redistribution because they fear it might differentially help a last-place group to whom they can currently feel superior."

"The differential decrease in support for redistribution associated with being in the LPA group (–0.0958) is larger than the decrease associated with moving up an income decile (–0.0870)."

My Take

The laboratory identification is exceptionally clean — LPA is separated from a comprehensive list of competing models in a single paper, which is unusual for a behavioral economics contribution. The dictator-game result is the most striking: it directly falsifies Fehr-Schmidt for subjects near the bottom without requiring auxiliary assumptions. The minimum wage survey is suggestive but small and targeted (low-wage workers in one survey); the GSS evidence is correlational. The key limitation for policy is the gap between the lab's precise last-place operationalization and the real world, where "last place" is undefined; the paper is honest about this. The mechanism is compelling but the paper cannot fully close the alternative that the LPA group simply has different political preferences for other unobserved reasons. The connection to MTO criminal behavior is speculative but thought-provoking — LPA may have implications for education and neighborhood effects beyond redistribution.